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Given by His
Holiness Pope Leo XIII
June 20, 1888
To the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, and Bishops of the Catholic
World in Grace and Communion with the Apostolic See.
Liberty, the highest of natural endowments, being the portion only of
intellectual or rational natures, confers on man this dignity -- that
he is "in the hand of his counsel"[1] and has power over his actions.
But the manner in which such dignity is exercised is of the greatest
moment, inasmuch as on the use that is made of liberty the highest good
and the greatest evil alike depend. Man, indeed, is free to obey his
reason, to seek moral good, and to strive unswervingly after his last
end. Yet he is free also to turn aside to all other things; and, in
pursuing the empty semblance of good, to disturb rightful order and to
fall headlong into the destruction which he has voluntarily chosen. The
Redeemer of mankind, Jesus Christ, having restored and exalted the
original dignity of nature, vouchsafed special assistance to the will
of man; and by the gifts of His grace here, and the promise of heavenly
bliss hereafter, He raised it to a nobler state. In like manner, this
great gift of nature has ever been, and always will be, deservingly
cherished by the Catholic Church, for to her alone has been committed
the charge of handing down to all ages the benefits purchased for us by
Jesus Christ. Yet there are many who imagine that the Church is hostile
to human liberty. Having a false and absurd notion as to what liberty
is, either they pervert the very idea of freedom, or they extend it at
their pleasure to many things in respect of which man cannot rightly be
regarded as free.
2. We have on other occasions, and especially in Our encyclical letter
lmmortale Dei,[2] in treating of the so-called modern liberties,
distinguished between their good and evil elements; and We have shown
that whatsoever is good in those liberties is as ancient as truth
itself, and that the Church has always most willingly approved and
practiced that good: but whatsoever has been added as new is, to tell
the plain truth, of a vitiated kind, the fruit of the disorders of the
age, and of an insatiate longing after novelties. Seeing, however, that
many cling so obstinately to their own opinion in this matter as to
imagine these modern liberties, cankered as they are, to be the
greatest glory of our age, and the very basis of civil life, without
which no perfect government can be conceived, We feel it a pressing
duty, for the sake of the common good, to treat separately of this
subject.
3. It is with moral liberty, whether in individuals or in communities,
that We proceed at once to deal. But, first of all, it will be well to
speak briefly of natural liberty; for, though it is distinct and
separate from moral liberty, natural freedom is the fountainhead from
which liberty of whatsoever kind flows, sua vi suaque sponte. The
unanimous consent and judgment of men, which is the trusty voice of
nature, recognizes this natural liberty in those only who are endowed
with intelligence or reason; and it is by his use of this that man is
rightly regarded as responsible for his actions. For, while other
animate creatures follow their senses, seeking good and avoiding evil
only by instinct, man has reason to guide him in each and every act of
his life. Reason sees that whatever things that are held to be good
upon earth may exist or may not, and discerning that none of them are
of necessity for us, it leaves the will free to choose what it pleases.
But man can judge of this contingency, as We say, only because he has a
soul that is simple, spiritual, and intellectual -- a soul, therefore,
which is not produced by matter, and does not depend on matter for its
existence; but which is created immediately by God, and, far surpassing
the condition of things material, has a life and action of its own --
so that, knowing the unchangeable and necessary reasons of what is true
and good, it sees that no particular kind of good is necessary to us.
When, therefore, it is established that man's soul is immortal and
endowed with reason and not bound up with things material, the
foundation of natural liberty is at once most firmly laid.
4. As the Catholic Church declares in the strongest terms the
simplicity, spirituality, and immortality of the soul, so with
unequaled constancy and publicity she ever also asserts its freedom.
These truths she has always taught, and has sustained them as a dogma
of faith, and whensoever heretics or innovators have attacked the
liberty of man, the Church has defended it and protected this noble
possession from destruction. History bears witness to the energy with
which she met the fury of the Manicheans and others like them; and the
earnestness with which in later years she defended human liberty at the
Council of Trent, and against the followers of Jansenius, is known to
all. At no time, and in no place, has she held truce with fatalism.
5. Liberty, then, as We have said, belongs only to those who have the
gift of reason or intelligence. Considered as to its nature, it is the
faculty of choosing means fitted for the end proposed, for he is master
of his actions who can choose one thing out of many. Now, since
everything chosen as a means is viewed as good or useful, and since
good, as such, is the proper object of our desire, it follows that
freedom of choice is a property of the will, or, rather, is identical
with the will in so far as it has in its action the faculty of choice.
But the will cannot proceed to act until it is enlightened by the
knowledge possessed by the intellect. In other words, the good wished
by the will is necessarily good in so far as it is known by the
intellect; and this the more, because in all voluntary acts choice is
subsequent to a judgment upon the truth of the good presented,
declaring to which good preference should be given. No sensible man can
doubt that judgment is an act of reason, not of the will. The end, or
object, both of the rational will and of its liberty is that good only
which is in conformity with reason.
6. Since, however, both these faculties are imperfect, it is possible,
as is often seen, that the reason should propose something which is not
really good, but which has the appearance of good, and that the will
should choose accordingly. For, as the possibility of error, and actual
error, are defects of the mind and attest its imperfection, so the
pursuit of what has a false appearance of good, though a proof of our
freedom, just as a disease is a proof of our vitality, implies defect
in human liberty. The will also, simply because of its dependence on
the reason, no sooner desires anything contrary thereto than it abuses
its freedom of choice and corrupts its very essence. Thus it is that
the infinitely perfect God, although supremely free, because of the
supremacy of His intellect and of His essential goodness, nevertheless
cannot choose evil; neither can the angels and saints, who enjoy the
beatific vision. St. Augustine and others urged most admirably against
the Pelagians that, if the possibility of deflection from good belonged
to the essence or perfection of liberty, then God, Jesus Christ, and
the angels and saints, who have not this power, would have no liberty
at all, or would have less liberty than man has in his state of
pilgrimage and imperfection. This subject is often discussed by the
Angelic Doctor in his demonstration that the possibility of sinning is
not freedom, but slavery. It will suffice to quote his subtle
commentary on the words of our Lord: "Whosoever committeth sin is the
slave of sin."[3] "Everything," he says, "is that which belongs to it
naturally. When, therefore, it acts through a power outside itself, it
does not act of itself, but through another, that is, as a slave. But
man is by nature rational. When, therefore, he acts according to
reason, he acts of himself and according to his free will; and this is
liberty. Whereas, when he sins, he acts in opposition to reason, is
moved by another, and is the victim of foreign misapprehensions.
Therefore, 'Whosoever committeth sin is the slave of sin'."[4] Even the
heathen philosophers clearly recognized this truth, especially they who
held that the wise man alone is free; and by the term "wise man" was
meant, as is well known, the man trained to live in accordance with his
nature, that is, in justice and virtue.
7. Such, then, being the condition of human liberty, it necessarily
stands in need of light and strength to direct its actions to good and
to restrain them from evil. Without this, the freedom of our will would
be our ruin. First of all, there must be law; that is, a fixed rule of
teaching what is to be done and what is to be left undone. This rule
cannot affect the lower animals in any true sense, since they act of
necessity, following their natural instinct, and cannot of themselves
act in any other way. On the other hand, as was said above, he who is
free can either act or not act, can do this or do that, as he pleases,
because his judgment precedes his choice. And his judgment not only
decides what is right or wrong of its own nature, but also what is
practically good and therefore to be chosen, and what is practically
evil and therefore to be avoided. In other words, the reason prescribes
to the will what it should seek after or shun, in order to the eventual
attainment of man's last end, for the sake of which all his actions
ought to be performed. This ordination of reason is called law. In
man's free will, therefore, or in the moral necessity of our voluntary
acts being in accordance with reason, lies the very root of the
necessity of law. Nothing more foolish can be uttered or conceived than
the notion that, because man is free by nature, he is therefore exempt
from law. Were this the case, it would follow that to become free we
must be deprived of reason; whereas the truth is that we are bound to
submit to law precisely because we are free by our very nature. For,
law is the guide of man's actions; it turns him toward good by its
rewards, and deters him from evil by its punishments.
8. Foremost in this office comes the natural law, which is written and
engraved in the mind of every man; and this is nothing but our reason,
commanding us to do right and forbidding sin. Nevertheless, all
prescriptions of human reason can have force of law only inasmuch as
they are the voice and the interpreters of some higher power on which
our reason and liberty necessarily depend. For, since the force of law
consists in the imposing of obligations and the granting of rights,
authority is the one and only foundation of all law -- the power, that
is, of fixing duties and defining rights, as also of assigning the
necessary sanctions of reward and chastisement to each and all of its
commands. But all this, clearly, cannot be found in man, if, as his own
supreme legislator, he is to be the rule of his own actions. It
follows, therefore, that the law of nature is the same thing as the
eternal law, implanted in rational creatures, and inclining them to
their right action and end; and can be nothing else but the eternal
reason of God, the Creator and Ruler of all the world. To this rule of
action and restraint of evil God has vouchsafed to give special and
most suitable aids for strengthening and ordering the human will. The
first and most excellent of these is the power of His divine grace,
whereby the mind can be enlightened and the will wholesomely
invigorated and moved to the constant pursuit of moral good, so that
the use of our inborn liberty becomes at once less difficult and less
dangerous. Not that the divine assistance hinders in any way the free
movement of our will; just the contrary, for grace works inwardly in
man and in harmony with his natural inclinations, since it flows from
the very Creator of his mind and will, by whom all things are moved in
conformity with their nature. As the Angelic Doctor points out, it is
because divine grace comes from the Author of nature that it is so
admirably adapted to be the safeguard of all natures, and to maintain
the character, efficiency, and operations of each.
9. What has been said of the liberty of individuals is no less
applicable to them when considered as bound together in civil society.
For, what reason and the natural law do for individuals. that human law
promulgated for their good, does for the citizens of States. Of the
laws enacted by men, some are concerned with what is good or bad by its
very nature; and they command men to follow after what is right and to
shun what is wrong, adding at the same time a suitable sanction. But
such laws by no means derive their origin from civil society, because,
just as civil society did not create human nature, so neither can it be
said to be the author of the good which befits human nature, or of the
evil which is contrary to it. Laws come before men live together in
society, and have their origin in the natural, and consequently in the
eternal, law. The precepts, therefore, of the natural law, contained
bodily in the laws of men, have not merely the force of human law, but
they possess that higher and more august sanction which belongs to the
law of nature and the eternal law. And within the sphere of this kind
of laws the duty of the civil legislator is, mainly, to keep the
community in obedience by the adoption of a common discipline and by
putting restraint upon refractory and viciously inclined men, so that,
deterred from evil, they may turn to what is good, or at any rate may
avoid causing trouble and disturbance to the State. Now, there are
other enactments of the civil authority, which do not follow directly,
but somewhat remotely, from the natural law, and decide many points
which the law of nature treats only in a general and indefinite way.
For instance, though nature commands all to contribute to the public
peace and prosperity, whatever belongs to the manner, and
circumstances, and conditions under which such service is to be
rendered must be determined by the wisdom of men and not by nature
herself. It is in the constitution of these particular rules of life,
suggested by reason and prudence, and put forth by competent authority,
that human law, properly so called, consists, binding all citizens to
work together for the attainment of the common end proposed to the
community, and forbidding them to depart from this end, and, in so far
as human law is in conformity with the dictates of nature, leading to
what is good, and deterring from evil.
10. From this it is manifest that the eternal law of God is the sole
standard and rule of human liberty, not only in each individual man,
but also in the community and civil society which men constitute when
united. Therefore, the true liberty of human society does not consist
in every man doing what he pleases, for this would simply end in
turmoil and confusion, and bring on the overthrow of the State; but
rather in this, that through the injunctions of the civil law all may
more easily conform to the prescriptions of the eternal law. Likewise,
the liberty of those who are in authority does not consist in the power
to lay unreasonable and capricious commands upon their subjects, which
would equally be criminal and would lead to the ruin of the
commonwealth; but the binding force of human laws is in this, that they
are to be regarded as applications of the eternal law, and incapable of
sanctioning anything which is not contained in the eternal law, as in
the principle of all law. Thus, St. Augustine most wisely says: "I
think that you can see, at the same time, that there is nothing just
and lawful in that temporal law, unless what men have gathered from
this eternal law."[5] If, then, by anyone in authority, something be
sanctioned out of conformity with the principles of right reason, and
consequently hurtful to the commonwealth, such an enactment can have no
binding force of law, as being no rule of justice, but certain to lead
men away from that good which is the very end of civil society.
11. Therefore, the nature of human liberty, however it be considered,
whether in individuals or in society, whether in those who command or
in those who obey, supposes the necessity of obedience to some supreme
and eternal law, which is no other than the authority of God,
commanding good and forbidding evil. And, so far from this most just
authority of God over men diminishing, or even destroying their
liberty, it protects and perfects it, for the real perfection of all
creatures is found in the prosecution and attainment of their
respective ends; but the supreme end to which human liberty must aspire
is God.
12. These precepts of the truest and highest teaching, made known to us
by the light of reason itself, the Church, instructed by the example
and doctrine of her divine Author, has ever propagated and asserted;
for she has ever made them the measure of her office and of her
teaching to the Christian nations. As to morals, the laws of the Gospel
not only immeasurably surpass the wisdom of the heathen, but are an
invitation and an introduction to a state of holiness unknown to the
ancients; and, bringing man nearer to God, they make him at once the
possessor of a more perfect liberty. Thus, the powerful influence of
the Church has ever been manifested in the custody and protection of
the civil and political liberty of the people. The enumeration of its
merits in this respect does not belong to our present purpose. It is
sufficient to recall the fact that slavery, that old reproach of the
heathen nations, was mainly abolished by the beneficent efforts of the
Church. The impartiality of law and the true brotherhood of man were
first asserted by Jesus Christ; and His apostles re-echoed His voice
when they declared that in future there was to be neither Jew, nor
Gentile, nor barbarian, nor Scythian, but all were brothers in Christ.
So powerful, so conspicuous, in this respect is the influence of the
Church that experience abundantly testifies how savage customs are no
longer possible in any land where she has once set her foot; but that
gentleness speedily takes the place of cruelty, and the light of truth
quickly dispels the darkness of barbarism. Nor has the Church been less
lavish in the benefits she has conferred on civilized nations in every
age, either by resisting the tyranny of the wicked, or by protecting
the innocent and helpless from injury, or, finally, by using her
influence in the support of any form of government which commended
itself to the citizens at home, because of its justice, or was feared
by their enemies without, because of its power.
13. Moreover, the highest duty is to respect authority, and obediently
to submit to just law; and by this the members of a community are
effectually protected from the wrong-doing of evil men. Lawful power is
from God, "and whosoever resisteth authority resisteth the ordinance of
God";[6] wherefore, obedience is greatly ennobled when subjected to an
authority which is the most just and supreme of all. But where the
power to command is wanting, or where a law is enacted contrary to
reason, or to the eternal law, or to some ordinance of God, obedience
is unlawful, lest, while obeying man, we become disobedient to God.
Thus, an effectual barrier being opposed to tyranny, the authority in
the State will not have all its own way, but the interests and rights
of all will be safeguarded -- the rights of individuals, of domestic
society, and of all the members of the commonwealth; all being free to
live according to law and right reason; and in this, as We have shown,
true liberty really consists.
14. If when men discuss the question of liberty they were careful to
grasp its true and legitimate meaning, such as reason and reasoning
have just explained, they would never venture to affix such a calumny
on the Church as to assert that she is the foe of individual and public
liberty. But many there are who follow in the footsteps of Lucifer, and
adopt as their own his rebellious cry, "I will not serve"; and
consequently substitute for true liberty what is sheer and most foolish
license. Such, for instance, are the men belonging to that widely
spread and powerful organization, who, usurping the name of liberty,
style themselves liberals.
15. What naturalists or rationalists aim at in philosophy, that the
supporters of liberalism, carrying out the principles laid down by
naturalism, are attempting in the domain of morality and politics. The
fundamental doctrine of rationalism is the supremacy of the human
reason, which, refusing due submission to the divine and eternal
reason, proclaims its own independence, and constitutes itself the
supreme principle and source and judge of truth. Hence, these followers
of liberalism deny the existence of any divine authority to which
obedience is due, and proclaim that every man is the law to himself;
from which arises that ethical system which they style independent
morality, and which, under the guise of liberty, exonerates man from
any obedience to the commands of God, and substitutes a boundless
license. The end of all this it is not difficult to foresee, especially
when society is in question. For, when once man is firmly persuaded
that he is subject to no one, it follows that the efficient cause of
the unity of civil society is not to be sought in any principle
external to man, or superior to him, but simply in the free will of
individuals; that the authority in the State comes from the people
only; and that, just as every man's individual reason is his only rule
of life, so the collective reason of the community should be the
supreme guide in the management of all public affairs. Hence the
doctrine of the supremacy of the greater number, and that all right and
all duty reside in the majority. But, from what has been said, it is
clear that all this is in contradiction to reason. To refuse any bond
of union between man and civil society, on the one hand, and God the
Creator and consequently the supreme Law-giver, on the other, is
plainly repugnant to the nature, not only of man, but of all created
things; for, of necessity, all effects must in some proper way be
connected with their cause; and it belongs to the perfection of every
nature to contain itself within that sphere and grade which the order
of nature has assigned to it, namely, that the lower should be subject
and obedient to the higher.
16. Moreover, besides this, a doctrine of such character is most
hurtful both to individuals and to the State. For, once ascribe to
human reason the only authority to decide what is true and what is
good, and the real distinction between good and evil is destroyed;
honor and dishonor differ not in their nature, but in the opinion and
judgment of each one; pleasure is the measure of what is lawful; and,
given a code of morality which can have little or no power to restrain
or quiet the unruly propensities of man, a way is naturally opened to
universal corruption. With reference also to public affairs: authority
is severed from the true and natural principle whence it derives all
its efficacy for the common good; and the law determining what it is
right to do and avoid doing is at the mercy of a majority. Now, this is
simply a road leading straight to tyranny. The empire of God over man
and civil society once repudiated, it follows that religion, as a
public institution, can have no claim to exist, and that everything
that belongs to religion will be treated with complete indifference.
Furthermore, with ambitious designs on sovereignty, tumult and sedition
will be common amongst the people; and when duty and conscience cease
to appeal to them, there will be nothing to hold them back but force,
which of itself alone is powerless to keep their covetousness in check.
Of this we have almost daily evidence in the conflict with socialists
and members of other seditious societies, who labor unceasingly to
bring about revolution. It is for those, then, who are capable of
forming a just estimate of things to decide whether such doctrines
promote that true liberty which alone is worthy of man, or rather,
pervert and destroy it.
17. There are, indeed, some adherents of liberalism who do not
subscribe to these opinions, which we have seen to be fearful in their
enormity, openly opposed to the truth, and the cause of most terrible
evils. Indeed, very many amongst them, compelled by the force of truth,
do not hesitate to admit that such liberty is vicious, nay, is simple
license, whenever intemperate in its claims, to the neglect of truth
and justice; and therefore they would have liberty ruled and directed
by right reason, and consequently subject to the natural law and to the
divine eternal law. But here they think they may stop, holding that man
as a free being is bound by no law of God except such as He makes known
to us through our natural reason. In this they are plainly
inconsistent. For if -- as they must admit, and no one can rightly deny
-- the will of the Divine Law-giver is to be obeyed, because every man
is under the power of God, and tends toward Him as his end, it follows
that no one can assign limits to His legislative authority without
failing in the obedience which is due. Indeed, if the human mind be so
presumptuous as to define the nature and extent of God's rights and its
own duties, reverence for the divine law will be apparent rather than
real, and arbitrary judgment will prevail over the authority and
providence of God. Man must, therefore, take his standard of a loyal
and religious life from the eternal law; and from all and every one of
those laws which God, in His infinite wisdom and power, has been
pleased to enact, and to make known to us by such clear and
unmistakable signs as to leave no room for doubt. And the more so
because laws of this kind have the same origin, the same author, as the
eternal law, are absolutely in accordance with right reason, and
perfect the natural law. These laws it is that embody the government of
God, who graciously guides and directs the intellect and the will of
man lest these fall into error. Let, then, that continue to remain in a
holy and inviolable union which neither can nor should be separated;
and in all things -- for this is the dictate of right reason itself --
let God be dutifully and obediently served.
18. There are others, somewhat more moderate though not more
consistent, who affirm that the morality of individuals is to be guided
by the divine law, but not the morality of the State, for that in
public affairs the commands of God may be passed over, and may be
entirely disregarded in the framing of laws. Hence follows the fatal
theory of the need of separation between Church and State. But the
absurdity of such a position is manifest. Nature herself proclaims the
necessity of the State providing means and opportunities whereby the
community may be enabled to live properly, that is to say, according to
the laws of God. For, since God is the source of all goodness and
justice, it is absolutely ridiculous that the State should pay no
attention to these laws or render them abortive by contrary enactments.
Besides, those who are in authority owe it to the commonwealth not only
to provide for its external well-being and the conveniences of life,
but still more to consult the welfare of men's souls in the wisdom of
their legislation. But, for the increase of such benefits, nothing more
suitable can be conceived than the laws which have God for their
author; and, therefore, they who in their government of the State take
no account of these laws abuse political power by causing it to deviate
from its proper end and from what nature itself prescribes. And, what
is still more important, and what We have more than once pointed out,
although the civil authority has not the same proximate end as the
spiritual, nor proceeds on the same lines, nevertheless in the exercise
of their separate powers they must occasionally meet. For their
subjects are the same, and not infrequently they deal with the same
objects, though in different ways. Whenever this occurs, since a state
of conflict is absurd and manifestly repugnant to the most wise
ordinance of God, there must necessarily exist some order or mode of
procedure to remove the occasions of difference and contention, and to
secure harmony in all things. This harmony has been not inaptly
compared to that which exists between the body and the soul for the
well-being of both one and the other, the separation of which brings
irremediable harm to the body, since it extinguishes its very life.
19. To make this more evident, the growth of liberty ascribed to our
age must be considered apart in its various details. And, first, let us
examine that liberty in individuals which is so opposed to the virtue
of religion, namely, the liberty of worship, as it is called. This is
based on the principle that every man is free to profess as he may
choose any religion or none.
20. But, assuredly, of all the duties which man has to fulfill, that,
without doubt, is the chiefest and holiest which commands him to
worship God with devotion and piety. This follows of necessity from the
truth that we are ever in the power of God, are ever guided by His will
and providence, and, having come forth from Him, must return to Him.
Add to which, no true virtue can exist without religion, for moral
virtue is concerned with those things which lead to God as man's
supreme and ultimate good; and therefore religion, which (as St. Thomas
says) "performs those actions which are directly and immediately
ordained for the divine honor,"[7] rules and tempers all virtues. And
if it be asked which of the many conflicting religions it is necessary
to adopt, reason and the natural law unhesitatingly tell us to practice
that one which God enjoins, and which men can easily recognize by
certain exterior notes, whereby Divine Providence has willed that it
should be distinguished, because, in a matter of such moment, the most
terrible loss would be the consequence of error. Wherefore, when a
liberty such as We have described is offered to man, the power is given
him to pervert or abandon with impunity the most sacred of duties, and
to exchange the unchangeable good for evil; which, as We have said, is
no liberty, but its degradation, and the abject submission of the soul
to sin.
21. This kind of liberty, if considered in relation to the State,
clearly implies that there is no reason why the State should offer any
homage to God, or should desire any public recognition of Him; that no
one form of worship is to be preferred to another, but that all stand
on an equal footing, no account being taken of the religion of the
people, even if they profess the Catholic faith. But, to justify this,
it must needs be taken as true that the State has no duties toward God,
or that such duties, if they exist, can be abandoned with impunity,
both of which assertions are manifestly false. For it cannot be doubted
but that, by the will of God, men are united in civil society; whether
its component parts be considered; or its form, which implies
authority; or the object of its existence; or the abundance of the vast
services which it renders to man. God it is who has made man for
society, and has placed him in the company of others like himself, so
that what was wanting to his nature, and beyond his attainment if left
to his own resources, he might obtain by association with others.
Wherefore, civil society must acknowledge God as its Founder and
Parent, and must obey and reverence His power and authority. justice
therefore forbids, and reason itself forbids, the State to be godless;
or to adopt a line of action which would end in godlessness -- namely,
to treat the various religions (as they call them) alike, and to bestow
upon them promiscuously equal rights and privileges. Since, then, the
profession of one religion is necessary in the State, that religion
must be professed which alone is true, and which can be recognized
without difficulty, especially in Catholic States, because the marks of
truth are, as it were, engraven upon it. This religion, therefore, the
rulers of the State must preserve and protect, if they would provide --
as they should do -- with prudence and usefulness for the good of the
community. For public authority exists for the welfare of those whom it
governs; and, although its proximate end is to lead men to the
prosperity found in this life, yet, in so doing, it ought not to
diminish, but rather to increase, man's capability of attaining to the
supreme good in which his everlasting happiness consists: which never
can be attained if religion be disregarded.
22. All this, however, We have explained more fully elsewhere. We now
only wish to add the remark that liberty of so false a nature is
greatly hurtful to the true liberty of both rulers and their subjects.
Religion, of its essence, is wonderfully helpful to the State. For,
since it derives the prime origin of all power directly from God
Himself, with grave authority it charges rulers to be mindful of their
duty, to govern without injustice or severity, to rule their people
kindly and with almost paternal charity; it admonishes subjects to be
obedient to lawful authority, as to the ministers of God; and it binds
them to their rulers, not merely by obedience, but by reverence and
affection, forbidding all seditions and venturesome enterprises
calculated to disturb public order and tranquillity, and cause greater
restrictions to be put upon the liberty of the people. We need not
mention how greatly religion conduces to pure morals, and pure morals
to liberty. Reason shows, and history confirms the fact, that the
higher the morality of States, the greater are the liberty and wealth
and power which they enjoy.
23. We must now consider briefly liberty of speech, and liberty of the
press. It is hardly necessary to say that there can be no such right as
this, if it be not used in moderation, and if it pass beyond the bounds
and end of all true liberty. For right is a moral power which -- as We
have before said and must again and again repeat -- it is absurd to
suppose that nature has accorded indifferently to truth and falsehood,
to justice and injustice. Men have a right freely and prudently to
propagate throughout the State what things soever are true and
honorable, so that as many as possible may possess them; but Iying
opinions, than which no mental plague is greater, and vices which
corrupt the heart and moral life should be diligently repressed by
public authority, lest they insidiously work the ruin of the State. The
excesses of an unbridled intellect, which unfailingly end in the
oppression of the untutored multitude, are no less rightly controlled
by the authority of the law than are the injuries inflicted by violence
upon the weak. And this all the more surely, because by far the greater
part of the community is either absolutely unable, or able only with
great difficulty, to escape from illusions and deceitful subtleties,
especially such as flatter the passions. If unbridled license of speech
and of writing be granted to all, nothing will remain sacred and
inviolate; even the highest and truest mandates of natures, justly held
to be the common and noblest heritage of the human race, will not be
spared. Thus, truth being gradually obscured by darkness, pernicious
and manifold error, as too often happens, will easily prevail. Thus,
too, license will gain what liberty loses; for liberty will ever be
more free and secure in proportion as license is kept in fuller
restraint. In regard, however, to all matter of opinion which God
leaves to man's free discussion, full liberty of thought and of speech
is naturally within the right of everyone; for such liberty never leads
men to suppress the truth, but often to discover it and make it known.
24. A like judgment must be passed upon what is called liberty of
teaching. There can be no doubt that truth alone should imbue the minds
of men, for in it are found the well-being, the end, and the perfection
of every intelligent nature; and therefore nothing but truth should be
taught both to the ignorant and to the educated, so as to bring
knowledge to those who have it not, and to preserve it in those who
possess it. For this reason it is plainly the duty of all who teach to
banish error from the mind, and by sure safeguards to close the entry
to all false convictions. From this it follows, as is evident, that the
liberty of which We have been speaking is greatly opposed to reason,
and tends absolutely to pervert men's minds, in as much as it claims
for itself the right of teaching whatever it pleases -- a liberty which
the State cannot grant without failing in its duty. And the more so
because the authority of teachers has great weight with their hearers,
who can rarely decide for themselves as to the truth or falsehood of
the instruction given to them.
25. Wherefore, this liberty, also, in order that it may deserve the
name, must be kept within certain limits, lest the office of teaching
be turned with impunity into an instrument of corruption. Now, truth,
which should be the only subject matter of those who teach, is of two
kinds: natural and supernatural. Of natural truths, such as the
principles of nature and whatever is derived from them immediately by
our reason, there is a kind of common patrimony in the human race. On
this, as on a firm basis, morality, justice, religion, and the very
bonds of human society rest: and to allow people to go unharmed who
violate or destroy it would be most impious, most foolish, and most
inhuman.
26. But with no less religious care must we preserve that great and
sacred treasure of the truths which God Himself has taught us. By many
and convincing arguments, often used by defenders of Christianity,
certain leading truths have been laid down: namely, that some things
have been revealed by God; that the Onlybegotten Son of God was made
flesh, to bear witness to the truth; that a perfect society was founded
by Him -- the Church, namely, of which He is the head, and with which
He has promised to abide till the end of the world. To this society He
entrusted all the truths which He had taught, in order that it might
keep and guard them and with lawful authority explain them; and at the
same time He commanded all nations to hear the voice of the Church, as
if it were His own, threatening those who would not hear it with
everlasting perdition. Thus, it is manifest that man's best and surest
teacher is God, the Source and Principle of all truth; and the
only-begotten Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, the Way, the
Truth, and the Life, the true Light which enlightens every man, and to
whose teaching all must submit: "And they shall all be taught of God.
"[8]
27. In faith and in the teaching of morality, God Himself made the
Church a partaker of His divine authority, and through His heavenly
gift she cannot be deceived. She is therefore the greatest and most
reliable teacher of mankind, and in her swells an inviolable right to
teach them. Sustained by the truth received from her divine Founder,
the Church has ever sought to fulfill holily the mission entrusted to
her by God; unconquered by the difficulties on all sides surrounding
her, she has never ceased to assert her liberty of teaching, and in
this way the wretched superstition of paganism being dispelled, the
wide world was renewed unto Christian wisdom. Now, reason itself
clearly teaches that the truths of divine revelation and those of
nature cannot really be opposed to one another, and that whatever is at
variance with them must necessarily be false. Therefore, the divine
teaching of the Church, so far from being an obstacle to the pursuit of
learning and the progress of science, or in any way retarding the
advance of civilization, in reality brings to them the sure guidance of
shining light. And for the same reason it is of no small advantage for
the perfecting of human liberty, since our Savior Jesus Christ has said
that by truth is man made free: "You shall know the truth, and the
truth shall make you free."[9] Therefore, there is no reason why
genuine liberty should grow indignant, or true science feel aggrieved,
at having to bear the just and necessary restraint of laws by which, in
the judgment of the Church and of reason itself, human teaching has to
be controlled.
28. The Church, indeed -- as facts have everywhere proved -- looks
chiefly and above all to the defense of the Christian faith, while
careful at the same time to foster and promote every kind of human
learning. For learning is in itself good, and praiseworthy, and
desirable; and further, all erudition which is the outgrowth of sound
reason, and in conformity with the truth of things, serves not a little
to confirm what we believe on the authority of God. The Church, truly,
to our great benefit, has carefully preserved the monuments of ancient
wisdom; has opened everywhere homes of science, and has urged on
intellectual progress by fostering most diligently the arts by which
the culture of our age is so much advanced. Lastly, we must not forget
that a vast field lies freely open to man's industry and genius,
containing all those things which have no necessary connection with
Christian faith and morals, or as to which the Church, exercising no
authority, leaves the judgment of the learned free and unconstrained.
29. From all this may be understood the nature and character of that
liberty which the followers of liberalism so eagerly advocate and
proclaim. On the one hand, they demand for themselves and for the State
a license which opens the way to every perversity of opinion; and on
the other, they hamper the Church in divers ways, restricting her
liberty within narrowest limits, although from her teaching not only is
there nothing to be feared, but in every respect very much to be
gained.
30. Another liberty is widely advocated, namely, liberty of conscience.
If by this is meant that everyone may, as he chooses, worship God or
not, it is sufficiently refuted by the arguments already adduced. But
it may also be taken to mean that every man in the State may follow the
will of God and, from a consciousness of duty and free from every
obstacle, obey His commands. This, indeed, is true liberty, a liberty
worthy of the sons of God, which nobly maintains the dignity of man and
is stronger than all violence or wrong -- a liberty which the Church
has always desired and held most dear. This is the kind of liberty the
Apostles claimed for themselves with intrepid constancy, which the
apologists of Christianity confirmed by their writings, and which the
martyrs in vast numbers consecrated by their blood. And deservedly so;
for this Christian liberty bears witness to the absolute and most just
dominion of God over man, and to the chief and supreme duty of man
toward God. It has nothing in common with a seditious and rebellious
mind; and in no tittle derogates from obedience to public authority;
for the right to command and to require obedience exists only so far as
it is in accordance with the authority of God, and is within the
measure that He has laid down. But when anything is commanded which is
plainly at variance with the will of God, there is a wide departure
from this divinely constituted order, and at the same time a direct
conflict with divine authority; therefore, it is right not to obey.
31. By the patrons of liberalism, however, who make the State absolute
and omnipotent, and proclaim that man should live altogether
independently of God, the liberty of which We speak, which goes hand in
hand with virtue and religion, is not admitted; and whatever is done
for its preservation is accounted an injury and an offense against the
State. Indeed, if what they say were really true, there would be no
tyranny, no matter how monstrous, which we should not be bound to
endure and submit to.
32. The Church most earnestly desires that the Christian teaching, of
which We have given an outline, should penetrate every rank of society
in reality and in practice; for it would be of the greatest efficacy in
healing the evils of our day, which are neither few nor slight, and are
the offspring in great part of the false liberty which is so much
extolled, and in which the germs of safety and glory were supposed to
be contained. The hope has been disappointed by the result. The fruit,
instead of being sweet and wholesome, has proved cankered and bitter.
If, then, a remedy is desired, let it be sought for in a restoration of
sound doctrine, from which alone the preservation of order and, as a
consequence, the defense of true liberty can be confidently expected.
33. Yet, with the discernment of a true mother, the Church weighs the
great burden of human weakness, and well knows the course down which
the minds and actions of men are in this our age being borne. For this
reason, while not conceding any right to anything save what is true and
honest, she does not forbid public authority to tolerate what is at
variance with truth and justice, for the sake of avoiding some greater
evil, or of obtaining or preserving some greater good. God Himself in
His providence, though infinitely good and powerful, permits evil to
exist in the world, partly that greater good may not be impeded, and
partly that greater evil may not ensue. In the government of States it
is not forbidden to imitate the Ruler of the world; and, as the
authority of man is powerless to prevent every evil, it has (as St.
Augustine says) to overlook and leave unpunished many things which are
punished, and rightly, by Divine Providence.[10] But if, in such
circumstances, for the sake of the common good (and this is the only
legitimate reason), human law may or even should tolerate evil, it may
not and should not approve or desire evil for its own sake; for evil of
itself, being a privation of good, is opposed to the common welfare
which every legislator is bound to desire and defend to the best of his
ability. In this, human law must endeavor to imitate God, who, as St.
Thomas teaches, in allowing evil to exist in the world, "neither wills
evil to be done, nor wills it not to be done, but wills only to permit
it to be done; and this is good.''[11] This saying of the Angelic
Doctor contains briefly the whole doctrine of the permission of evil.
34. But, to judge aright, we must acknowledge that, the more a State is
driven to tolerate evil, the further is it from perfection; and that
the tolerance of evil which is dictated by political prudence should be
strictly confined to the limits which its justifying cause, the public
welfare, requires. Wherefore, if such tolerance would be injurious to
the public welfare, and entail greater evils on the State, it would not
be lawful; for in such case the motive of good is wanting. And although
in the extraordinary condition of these times the Church usually
acquiesces in certain modern liberties, not because she prefers them in
themselves, but because she judges it expedient to permit them, she
would in happier times exercise her own liberty; and, by persuasion,
exhortation, and entreaty would endeavor, as she is bound, to fulfill
the duty assigned to her by God of providing for the eternal salvation
of mankind. One thing, however, remains always true -- that the liberty
which is claimed for all to do all things is not, as We have often
said, of itself desirable, inasmuch as it is contrary to reason that
error and truth should have equal rights.
35. And as to tolerance, it is surprising how far removed from the
equity and prudence of the Church are those who profess what is called
liberalism. For, in allowing that boundless license of which We have
spoken, they exceed all limits, and end at last by making no apparent
distinction between truth and error, honesty and dishonesty. And
because the Church, the pillar and ground of truth, and the unerring
teacher of morals, is forced utterly to reprobate and condemn tolerance
of such an abandoned and criminal character, they calumniate her as
being wanting in patience and gentleness, and thus fail to see that, in
so doing, they impute to her as a fault what is in reality a matter for
commendation. But, in spite of all this show of tolerance, it very
often happens that, while they profess themselves ready to lavish
liberty on all in the greatest profusion, they are utterly intolerant
toward the Catholic Church, by refusing to allow her the liberty of
being herself free.
36. And now to reduce for clearness' sake to its principal heads all
that has been set forth with its immediate conclusions, the summing up
in this briefly: that man, by a necessity of his nature, is wholly
subject to the most faithful and ever enduring power of God; and that,
as a consequence, any liberty, except that which consists in submission
to God and in subjection to His will, is unintelligible. To deny the
existence of this authority in God, or to refuse to submit to it, means
to act, not as a free man, but as one who treasonably abuses his
liberty; and in such a disposition of mind the chief and deadly vice of
liberalism essentially consists. The form, however, of the sin is
manifold; for in more ways and degrees than one can the will depart
from the obedience which is due to God or to those who share the divine
power.
37. For, to reject the supreme authority to God, and to cast off all
obedience to Him in public matters, or even in private and domestic
affairs, is the greatest perversion of liberty and the worst kind of
liberalism; and what We have said must be understood to apply to this
alone in its fullest sense.
38. Next comes the system of those who admit indeed the duty of
submitting to God, the Creator and Ruler of the world, inasmuch as all
nature is dependent on His will, but who boldly reject all laws of
faith and morals which are above natural reason, but are revealed by
the authority of God; or who at least impudently assert that there is
no reason why regard should be paid to these laws, at any rate
publicly, by the State. How mistaken these men also are, and how
inconsistent, we have seen above. From this teaching, as from its
source and principle, flows that fatal principle of the separation of
Church and State; whereas it is, on the contrary, clear that the two
powers, though dissimilar in functions and unequal in degree, ought
nevertheless to live in concord, by harmony in their action and the
faithful discharge of their respective duties.
39. But this teaching is understood in two ways. Many wish the State to
be separated from the Church wholly and entirely, so that with regard
to every right of human society, in institutions, customs, and laws,
the offices of State, and the education of youth, they would pay no
more regard to the Church than if she did not exist; and, at most,
would allow the citizens individually to attend to their religion in
private if so minded. Against such as these, all the arguments by which
We disprove the principle of separation of Church and State are
conclusive; with this super-added, that it is absurd the citizen should
respect the Church, while the State may hold her in contempt.
40. Others oppose not the existence of the Church, nor indeed could
they; yet they despoil her of the nature and rights of a perfect
society, and maintain that it does not belong to her to legislate, to
judge, or to punish, but only to exhort, to advise, and to rule her
subjects in accordance with their own consent and will. By such opinion
they pervert the nature of this divine society, and attenuate and
narrow its authority, its office of teacher, and its whole efficiency;
and at the same time they aggrandize the power of the civil government
to such extent as to subject the Church of God to the empire and sway
of the State, like any voluntary association of citizens. To refute
completely such teaching, the arguments often used by the defenders of
Christianity, and set forth by Us, especially in the encyclical letter
Immortale Dei,[12] are of great avail; for by those arguments it is
proved that, by a divine provision, all the rights which essentially
belong to a society that is legitimate, supreme, and perfect in all its
parts exist in the Church.
41. Lastly, there remain those who, while they do not approve the
separation of Church and State, think nevertheless that the Church
ought to adapt herself to the times and conform to what is required by
the modern system of government. Such an opinion is sound, if it is to
be understood of some equitable adjustment consistent with truth and
justice; in so far, namely, that the Church, in the hope of some great
good, may show herself indulgent, and may conform to the times in so
far as her sacred office permits. But it is not so in regard to
practices and doctrines which a perversion of morals and a warped
judgment have unlawfully introduced. Religion, truth, and justice must
ever be maintained; and, as God has intrusted these great and sacred
matters to her office as to dissemble in regard to what is false or
unjust, or to connive at what is hurtful to religion.
42. From what has been said it follows that it is quite unlawful to
demand, to defend, or to grant unconditional freedom of thought, of
speech, or writing, or of worship, as if these were so many rights
given by nature to man. For, if nature had really granted them, it
would be lawful to refuse obedience to God, and there would be no
restraint on human liberty. It likewise follows that freedom in these
things may be tolerated wherever there is just cause, but only with
such moderation as will prevent its degenerating into license and
excess. And, where such liberties are in use, men should employ them in
doing good, and should estimate them as the Church does; for liberty is
to be regarded as legitimate in so far only as it affords greater
facility for doing good, but no farther.
43. Whenever there exists, or there is reason to fear, an unjust
oppression of the people on the one hand, or a deprivation of the
liberty of the Church on the other, it is lawful to seek for such a
change of government as will bring about due liberty of action. In such
case, an excessive and vicious liberty is not sought, but only some
relief, for the common welfare, in order that, while license for evil
is allowed by the State, the power of doing good may not be hindered.
44. Again, it is not of itself wrong to prefer a democratic form of
government, if only the Catholic doctrine be maintained as to the
origin and exercise of power. Of the various forms of government, the
Church does not reject any that are fitted to procure the welfare of
the subject; she wishes only -- and this nature itself requires -- that
they should be constituted without involving wrong to any one, and
especially without violating the rights of the Church.
45. Unless it be otherwise determined, by reason of some exceptional
condition of things, it is expedient to take part in the administration
of public affairs. And the Church approves of every one devoting his
services to the common good, and doing all that he can for the defense,
preservation, and prosperity of his country.
46. Neither does the Church condemn those who, if it can be done
without violation of justice, wish to make their country independent of
any foreign or despotic power. Nor does she blame those who wish to
assign to the State the power of self-government, and to its citizens
the greatest possible measure of prosperity. The Church has always most
faithfully fostered civil liberty, and this was seen especially in
Italy, in the municipal prosperity, and wealth, and glory which were
obtained at a time when the salutary power of the Church has spread,
without opposition, to all parts of the State.
47. These things, venerable brothers, which under the guidance of faith
and reason, in the discharge of Our Apostolic office, We have now
delivered to you, We hope, especially by your cooperation with Us, will
be useful unto very many. In lowliness of heart We raise Our eyes in
supplication to God, and earnestly beseech Him to shed mercifully the
light of His wisdom and of His counsel upon men, so that, strengthened
by these heavenly gifts, they may in matters of such moment discern
what is true, and may afterwards, in public and private at all times
and with unshaken constancy, live in accordance with the truth. As a
pledge of these heavenly gifts, and in witness of Our good will to you,
venerable brothers, and to the clergy and people committed to each of
you, We most lovingly grant in the Lord the apostolic benediction.
Given at St. Peter's in Rome, the twentieth day of June, 1888, the
tenth year of Our Pontificate.
REFERENCES:
1. Ecclus.15:14.
2. See no. 93:37-38.
3. John 8:34.
4. Thomas Aquinas, On the Gospel of St. John, cap. viii, lect. 4, n. 3
(ed. Vives, Vol. 20, p. 95).
5. Augustine, De libero arbitrio, lib. 1, cap. 6, n. 15 (PL 32, 1229).
6. Rom.13:2.
7. Summa theologiae, lla-llae, q. Ixxxi, a. 6. Answer.
8. John 6:45.
9. John 8:32.
10. Augustine, De libero arbitrio, lib. 1, cap. 6, n. 14 (PL 32, 1228).
11. Summa theologiae, la, q. xix, a. 9, ad 3m.
12. See no. 93:8-11.
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